BRICS: social inequalities in emerging
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BRICS: social inequalities in emerging


BRICS: social inequalities in emerging
Maria Silverio

If the BRICS do not promote immediate and profound social changes along with economic development, we will witness the emergence of global powers very rich with the poor and with no opportunity for social mobility.


The BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa recently have gained prominence in the international arena due to the rapid economic growth of the last two decades, especially in China, India and Brazil. Analysts predict that by 2015, the BRICS will account for about 22% of world GDP and global powers are likely to be 2050. Therefore, the group became the subject of many studies and news stories around the world, often taking as a point of analyzing their economic development. We understand that the true growth of a country is only possible if there is improvement in the living conditions of its citizens. Thus, we analyze here the inequalities of resources, vital and existential affecting the populations of these emerging nations.

The key question of this study is that the economic growth of the BRICS is simultaneously promoting the reduction of social inequalities and the inner bottom of the social pyramid is actually being benefited. Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa focused almost 50% of the world population. As Milanovic argues (2007), the improvement in the welfare of these people is a drop in global inequality, one that considers the inequalities between the citizens of the planet regardless of their nations, as if the world were a single country.

Poverty and Economic Development

Social inequalities are multiple and despite their distinct characteristics relate and interact with each other. That is why the analysis of the living conditions of a population requires a multidimensional reflection. For Therborn (2006), these dimensions refer to humans as biological organisms (vital inequalities); persons (unequal resources) and actors (existential inequalities). We begin our analysis by inequalities of resources, those responsible for the individual's ability to act. In this sense, poverty rate, income distribution and access to education are crucial factors.

When we talk about poverty rate, it is important to note that the number of poor people is related to the mechanism of analysis used. We will evaluate absolute, ie, we consider a cutoff real income of up to $ 1.25 per day, a value that determines the international poverty line. Among the BRICS, Russia is the only country that in 2008 had no percentage of the population living in these conditions. As for the other four members of the group are characterized by a large proportion of its population living in extreme poverty. According to the World Bank, 60.2% of the Chinese earned less than $ 1.25 a day in 1990. This corresponds to about 686 million people. This number dropped significantly to about 209.2 million in 2005, equivalent to 15.9% of the population of the time.

In India, the second most populous nation in the world, the situation is more critical. The data relating to the country are from 2005 and show that 41.6% of the population is below the poverty line. This equates to 461.76 million people, a number greater than the sum of all the inhabitants of Brazil, Russia and South Africa in the same period, which totaled approximately 327 million people. In Brazil, the third most populous country of the BRICS, this figure fell to 15.5% in 1990 to 3.2% in 2009. In other words, the fall was around 24.625 million to 6.127 million Brazilians. South Africa is the only country where there has been a rise in the level of poverty between 1995 and 2000, from 21.4% of the population (8.776 million people) to 26.2% (11,665,000). In 2006, the index fell to 17.4%, which is equivalent to 8.246 million. Note, therefore, that in a period of eleven years, the reduction of poverty in South Africa was negligible.

Regarding the distribution of income, the gap between rich and poor continues to grow in four countries of the same group with the accelerated economic growth. Assess income inequality is a complex task since the values ​​are obtained through household surveys. Incomplete responses, and even hidden information inaccurate may jeopardize the outcome. Another important factor is that some countries assess family income and other consumption expenditures (for India). Nevertheless, the Gini index is the most common measure of income inequality and is able to show us a realistic situation of a country. The Gini ranges from 1 (total inequality) and 0 (perfect equality).

Brazil is the only country that could greatly decrease income inequality over the past 20 years, leaving a Gini of 0.61 in 1990 to 0.54 in 2009 - the lowest rate in its history (see chart 1). Another achievement of the country is that the poorest 20% and 20% of average income were the main beneficiaries. According to the Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV), in the first decade of this century, the richest 10% had an increase in real income of 10.03% against 67.9% in the income of the poorest 50%, which means 577% greater growth than that achieved by the top part of the pyramid. Despite these achievements, the country is still among the most unequal in the world and the richest 20% account for nearly 60% of income.


   
The other BRICS move the opposite way and demonstrate greater income concentration, indicating that economic growth mainly benefited the top of the pyramid. South Africa has achieved a sharp increase in Gini, which rose from 0.58 in 2000 to 0.67 in 2006, making the country the world's most unequal. The 20% of South Africa's rich concentrate 75% of income. Russia had large variations in the Gini, which in 1988 was 0.24 to 0.46 in 1996. In 2002, the rate dropped to 0.36 and rose again in 2008 to 0.42. Despite the large increase in income inequality in Russia is still the least unequal BRICS. Already China and India had in 2005, a Gini of 0.42 and 0.37, respectively. Importantly, the low coefficient of these two countries, when compared to the other BRICS, is partly because of poverty achieve large portion of the population. The richest 20% of Chinese and Indian citizens concentrated between 40 and 45% of income.

Education and Opportunity

In contemporary societies, education is a key part of the social structure and becomes indispensable to the social mobility of individuals. The ability to read and write and access to information and knowledge are closely linked to equality of opportunity, which means that all people, regardless of their social background, have an equal chance to achieve a desirable social position (Kingston and Holian 2007) . Moreover, it is basically through education the professional qualification is made possible.

Skilled workers have more stable jobs, better wages and greater possibility of ascension career. Already those who lack educational resources are extremely vulnerable and are at constant risk of unemployment. Education and knowledge are crucial to reducing social inequalities in a country. Statistics show that the BRICS have advanced in this regard, but much still needs to be done with regard to the quality of education and increasing frequency in the secondary and tertiary levels of education.

The literacy rate of over 15 years has grown over the decades, but does not cover 100% of the population in any of the five countries (Table 1). Russia is the one with the best performance, with 99.6% of citizens able to read and write. In India, nearly 40% of the adult population is illiterate. Regarding the average years of schooling received by people aged over 25 years, using the official national term of each level, the indices amounted considerably but are still behind developed countries.


 
Brazil has the largest increase, going from an average of 2.6 years of schooling in 1980 to 7.2 in 2011. In the same period, the average Chinese jumped from 3.7 to 7.5, while in South Africa the index rose from 4.8 to 8.5 years. The Russian population is among the BRICS, who attends to the education system for longer, reaching an average of 9.8 years. In India, this number is 4.4, lower than the data presented by South Africa and Russia thirty years ago.

To get an idea, the average years of schooling in the current global powers is 12.4 in the United States, 11.6 in Japan, 12.2 in Germany and 10.6 in France. The general level of education in a country is appointed by the Education Index, one of the three pillars used by the UN to build the annual index of human development. This statistic is calculated from the average years of schooling of the adult population and the expectation of years that children remain in the school system. A value of 1 means total equilibrium between these two questions. All BRICS showed improvement, but still far from New Zealand, the only country in the world that has reached the value 1 in 2011.

  Life, Health and Death
 
The vital inequality, the one that refers to humans as biological organisms evaluates the differential exposure of individuals to fatal risks, and is also influenced by genetic and environmental conditions (Therborn, 2006). It can be measured by years of life expectancy, infant mortality, incidence of malnutrition and disease, among others. Over the past 100 years, inequalities decreased considerably vital globally due to discoveries of vaccines and antibiotics, deployment of health services and eradication of certain diseases. Another crucial factor for such advancement is the influx of people from developing countries to such benefits.

Although seemingly simple, the infant mortality rate and life expectancy allows an insight into the conditions of well-being and social changes in a population. The age of death of a child reflects both the availability of food as health care (Tilly, 2005). Furthermore, the incidence of infant mortality is much higher in poor populations. Thus, the decrease in this index may also indicate an improvement in economic conditions of individuals.

Longer life expectancy increases, for example, when the public health system of the country offers quality services and when the rate of violence presents fall. The BRICS have been following the global trend (Table 2), with the exception of South Africa is striking for presenting worsening the two indices. Life expectancy in the country fell about nine years between 1990 and 2011, the number of deaths among children under five is currently the same as two decades ago, with great elevation in 2000.

 
   
Women and Inequalities
 
Despite the gender inequality have received considerable attention since 1960, when the rise of women to the labor market and the strengthening of social movements and feminist, the gap between men and women is still large in the world. It is estimated that the female wage is about 15% less than men for the same type of occupation, and such difference may be even greater in emerging markets. Just as racial inequality, religious or ethnic, gender inequalities are classified as existential, when there is an unequal recognition of human beings as persons. They act through mechanisms of exclusion, creating an uneven distribution of freedom of action and personal respect (Therborn, 2006).

The Gender Inequality Index is falling in the BRICS, but changes are slow due to strong intersecting inequalities. The lack of opportunity for women is intensified by poverty, caste and color differences, geographic regions, etc. patriarchy. This index is measured by the UN from three dimensions: empowerment, reproductive health and labor market. The closer to 0, the greater the balance between men and women.

 
 
With regard to the proportion of the population with at least upper secondary education, Brazil is the only BRICS in which women have higher education level. Apparently, this is the global trend of the coming decades. Female participation in the labor market has increased, but in none of the five countries the ratio of men to women is 1 to 1. In the case of India, women do not take up even half of the vacancies available in the market.

Conclusion
 
The importance of a thorough analysis of the social inequalities of the BRICS is given not only by rapid economic growth, but also by the direct relationship between social change internal and global inequalities. When it states that the BRICS will account for much of the world's wealth in the coming decades, one can not fail to reflect the impact of such changes on social issues of the planet, since almost half the world's population lives in BRICS. As we have seen, only Brazil is managing to combine economic development with redistribution of income, making the citizens of the base of the pyramid are the main, but not only, benefit. In other countries, the gap between rich and poor is increasing.

With regard to extreme poverty, China and Brazil showed considerable progress in the last twenty years, while South Africa has stagnated. While India continued marked by poverty. Educational inequalities and gender showed improvement in five countries, but this is not necessarily linked to economic development. Regarding inequalities vital, South Africa is the only BRICS where the fatal risks of the population increased.

From the statistics and analyzes developed in this study, ventured to say that if the BRICS do not promote immediate and profound social changes along with economic development, we will witness the emergence of global powers very rich with the poor and with no opportunity for social mobility. Thus, global inequalities, international and domestic are likely to be even more pronounced than today.

References:

Frazer, Nancy (2008), "Reframing justice in a globalizing world", in Scales of justice. Reimaginig Political Space in a Globalizing World, Cambridge, Polity Press, pp. 12-29.

FGV / CPS (2010), The Emerging of Emerging: Reflections Global and Local Actions for a New Middle Class Brazilian Marcelo Cortes Neri (Coord), 119 p.

Giddens, Anthony (2007), "Social Justice and social divisions" in Europe in the Global Age, Cambridge, Polity Press, pp. 59-95.

Kingston, Paul W, and Laura M. Holian (2007), "Inequality", in Albert Martinelli (ed.), Transatlantic Divide. Comparing American and European Society, Oxford, Oxford University Press, pp. 57-74.

Milanovic, Branko (2007), "Globalization and Inequality", in David Held and Ayse Kaya (eds.), Global Inequality, Cambridge, Polity, p. 26-49.

OECD (2011), "Special Focus: Inequality in Emerging Economies (EEs)," in Divided We Satand. Why Keep Rising Inequalities, Paris, OECD Publishing, pp. 47-82.

UNDP (2011) Human Development Report 2011.

Therborn, Göran (2006), "Meaning, mechanisms, patterns, and forces: the introduction," in Göran Therborn (ed.), Inequalities of the world. New Theoretical Frameworks, Multiple Empirical Approaches, London, Verso, p. 1-58.

Tilly, Charles (2005), "Historical perspectives on inequality," in Mary Romero and Eric Margolis (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Social Inequalities, Malden, Blackwell, pp.



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